Decolonizing Marxism and Reconciling it with Democracy: An Essay

Marxism, as a theory for critiquing and challenging capitalist socio-economic structures, has often been at odds with traditional notions of democracy, particularly as it has been historically practiced in Western states. The decolonial project adds yet another layer of complexity, as it seeks not only to dismantle colonial power structures but also to reclaim and reaffirm cultural and epistemic sovereignty. This essay aims to explore the possibilities of decolonizing Marxism and reconciling it with democracy, while engaging with the critical insights from various scholars.

To begin, it is crucial to contextualize the relationship between Marxism and democracy. Karl Marx himself saw democracy as a stage in the transition from capitalism to communism, where the state would eventually wither away (Marx,1, p.111). However, Marx was critiquing a very specific form of liberal democracy, one that he believed was intrinsically tied to the capitalist mode of production. Marx's vision of communism involves the creation of a radical kind of democracy that is antithetical to the capitalist order (Harvey,2000, p.106).

Decolonizing Marxism involves interrogating its Eurocentric foundations and addressing its often-inadequate consideration of the role of imperialism and colonialism in the global capitalist system.  Traditional Marxist analyses fell short in accounting for the complex interplay of economic exploitation and racial discrimination inherent in the colonial encounter (Rodney,1972, p.101).  Rodney (1972) states that Marxist theory needs to be stretched some more in order to make it a suitable tool for dissecting underdevelopment in Africa.

Karl  Marx was himself a product of  the enlightenment period ( Andrews,2018,p.171).  The period which  influenced the growth of western thought and imperialism informed by racist logic which  regards  none-Europeans as subhuman.  The same  enlightenment era  exported a Eurocentric world system that whitewashed knowledge  and relegated indigenous experiences to the periphery  and thinkers like Marx even though opposed to the idea benefited from white wages ( privilege) . Marx was blinded by white supremacy such that he never saw revolution outside the western white world (Andrews,2018).  In the same vein,  the  revolution to overthrow capitalism that he fantasized about was materializing in non-western  nations like China , Cuba, Zimbabwe and Vietnam.  Because a revolution is more  likely to be waged by those who suffer the most. The Haitian  rebellion against  slavery by enslaved Africans on the island is more evidence.  Failure to appreciate this logic is that which stagnated the Marxist struggle in western Europe. The white Marxists still borrowed the garment of white supremacy and failed to forge a comradeship with the African anti-slavery/colonial  movements who had applied successfully the ideas of Marx . Hence its important for Marxian thought to address and  account for the struggles of the colonized people .  Especially in a world were those that consume Marx's ideas are attempting to  achieve democratization as opposed  to the western context were democratic systems  had already been in place since the overthrow of the monarchical system. The system birthed by western enlightenment  prepared conditions that made it possible for the western left to organize, propagate, debate and publish their ideas to the rest of the world. 

 The decolonial trend  influences the reconciliation of Marxism with democracy by advocating for a pluralistic, non-Western centric approach. Enrique Dussel (2017) argues for  the concept of "trans modernity," which is a transformation beyond modernity that involves learning from and incorporating the experiences and worldviews of the Global South. Dussel suggests, "Decolonization of Marxism will be, above all, the intercultural translation of its European expressions to the languages and interests of peripheral peoples."

In aligning Marxism with democracy in a decolonized context, Boaventura de Sousa Santos' concept of "subaltern cosmopolitan legality" in Toward a New Legal Common Sense becomes relevant. Santos proposes that the subaltern groups develop their own systems of legality and democracy from the bottom-up, often in counter-hegemonic forms. He states, "These systems represent an emergent form of democratic legality that challenges the top-down, state-centered legal systems inherited from colonial times."

Furthermore, Chantal Mouffe's agonistic model of democracy (Mouffe,2000, p.16) holds potential for merging with a decolonized form of Marxism. Mouffe contends that the essence of democracy is the acknowledgment and legitimation of conflict, which aligns well with a decolonized Marxist perspective that recognizes the ongoing struggles against capitalist and colonial oppression. She writes, "Agonistic confrontation is far from representing a danger for democracy; in fact, it is the very condition of its existence." The liberation struggle in the global south had the demands of universal suffrage (one man -one vote), equality, freedom and fair working conditions. Classical pillars of Marxist thought for revolution but they also sought to dismantle the colonial state which had been imposed by the system that Marx responds to. The enlightenment period influenced the industrial revolution in western Europe through inventions and voyages of discovery. The same phenomenon built the bedrock of the oldest western democracy, the United States which used the same logic to export its values through colonization. Thus, in challenging liberalism and its political systems inspired by colonial logic we have to account for the question to dismantle its legacies in the global south which have been inherited by the older generation of revolutionaries who failed to reconcile Marxian thought with the democratic project as they became an elite themselves who oppress their own kin.  

The radical left should make practical considerations of how these theoretical conceptions manifest in real-world political arrangements. Aijaz Ahmad’s reflections in In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures assess the challenges of implementing Marxist theories in non-Western societies, often leading to authoritarian regimes that have betrayed democratic principles. Acknowledging this, Ahmad suggests, "A reconstructed Marxism must confront its own history of complicity in the suppression of democratic movements and institutions. "For instance, the one-party state logic and experiment by several Marxist governments in the global south led to the closure of democratic space, suppression of dissent, creation of a predatory state that administers violence and human rights violations in countries like Zimbabwe. Cuba and China are not exceptions. The creation of a state system that is too strong leads to oppressive conditions that pause contradictory outlook for nations in the global south who were toiling for their political freedom and liberty. 

Conclusively, decolonizing Marxism and reconciling it with democracy is not simply a theoretical endeavor, but a radical transformation in the practice of both. It calls for a reflective critique of Marxism's historical applications and an expansion of democratic ideals to embrace diverse, subaltern experiences. As scholars navigate this complex terrain, there emerges a hopeful vision of a political and economic democracy that is truly inclusive, participatory, and attuned to the legacies of colonialism and the demands of global social justice.

Liam Takura Kanhenga is an Intellectual, Marxist and Human Rights Defender. He writes in his own capacity.

 kanhengaliam@gamail.com